How would the US deal with a 'Prime Minister Imran Khan'?

Pakistani politician Imran Khan could become the country's next premier after the July 25 vote, but his stance against the US' role in Afghanistan could be a hurdle in the Trump administration's dealings with Islamabad.

Pakistani politician Imran Khan is known in the US as a philanthropist who operates a world-class charity hospital in his country. He is also admired as a sportsman whose stunning looks charmed many Western women. But he is yet to make an impact as a politician in Washington.

When DW asked US officials whether they would like to work with Khan if he became Pakistan's prime minister after the July 25 general election, they gave a smooth, diplomatic response, which says all without saying much.

"The US government supports a free and fair vote by the Pakistani people, and stands ready to partner with the leadership they choose to work on a shared agenda for regional peace and prosperity," said a State Department spokesperson.

Read more: US watches Pakistan's democratic transition with caution

The statement says a lot about the US position on Khan, who heads the popular Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI, Movement for Justice) party.

Khan is not a Bhutto or a Sharif that Washington has dealt with and knows how to cope with in a particular situation. But analysts say he will have to work with Washington to prevent militant attacks in both Afghanistan and India.

Read more: Pakistan has moved beyond Benazir Bhutto

Real power-wielders in Pakistan

In private conversations, former US diplomats and think-tank experts often recall a statement in which the cricketer-turned-politician threatened to shoot down any US drone that hits a target inside Pakistan if he was elected to power.

Khan's statement scared Pakistan's powerful military establishment as well. The generals feared that if elected, Khan could further strain Pakistan's already tense relations with the US.

But over the years, Khan has worked on polishing his statements and tries not to say something that he would later regret. He does not always succeed, as his recent anti-West statements show.

Read more: Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — a difficult province to govern

The State Department, however, does not want to appear to be opposing a popular Pakistani politician — someone who is one of the favorites to win the next election.

But the State Department retains the key US demand of maintaining regional peace and prosperity.

"For the US, the idea of a Prime Minister Imran Khan may be unsettling, given how he and his party have been stridently anti-American in tone and messaging in ways that the PML-N (Pakistan Muslim League of former PM Nawaz Sharif) have not been," Michael Kugelman, an expert of South Asian affairs at the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars in Washington, told DW.

Kugelman also said the State Department understands the role of the military in Pakistani politics.

"At the same time, given that the Pakistani military has the final — and often times first — say in policy toward the US and given that the military is very keen on salvaging the US-Pakistan relationship, I wouldn't be surprised if a [possible] PTI-led government were to tone down its anti-American messaging and project a more conciliatory position toward Washington, at least initially," he said.

This is a hope that the State Department, obviously, shares with him but is unwilling to say so publicly.

Earlier this month, when Washington felt the need to solicit Pakistan's support for a temporary ceasefire in Afghanistan, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo did not call the Pakistani prime minister, foreign minister or even the president; instead, he telephoned the country's army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa. And the general not only did what Washington wanted, he also flew over to Kabul to discuss the possibilities of a durable peace with Afghan President Ashraf Ghani.

Read more:

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Pakistan: One step forward, two steps back

Working with the US

Diplomatic observers in Washington say that the Trump administration now wants Islamabad to use its influence on the Taliban, particularly on the militant Haqqani network, to make them talk to Kabul.

So there's little surprise that Pakistan experts in Washington, both in the official and unofficial circles, believe that the army can also make Khan behave.

"The trend lines for US-Pakistan relations are not good no matter what party takes over the next Pakistani government. But I don't think a PTI-led government would necessarily make it any worse," said Kugelman, underlining another key point: the new government in Pakistan — no matter who heads it — will have to work hard to rebuild the once-close relationship with Washington.

Hussain Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador to the US, and now a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute in Washington, says that the US would deal with Khan as "they have with every Pakistani leader, even those elected amid anti-American rhetoric."

"Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto portrayed himself as anti-American and yet went to see President Richard Nixon before taking office, to explain that he wanted US blessings even though he was seen as an America baiter," Haqqani told DW, referring to a popular Pakistani prime minister who was hanged by military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq in 1979.

Haqqani, who has authored a book on the history of US-Pakistan relations, recalled that in 1990, Nawaz Sharif did the same in his first term as prime minister and "Imran Khan is likely to be no different."

Read more: Imran Khan: Nawaz Sharif's ouster 'strengthens Pakistani democracy'

He will tone down his anti-US rhetoric and seek Washington's cooperation in both domestic and external issues, said Haqqani.

Haqqani, however, warned that this time, the Americans may not be as keen to oblige as they did in the past. "The level of American interest in and commitment to Pakistan has declined significantly from what it was in the past," he said.

And the level of support from both external and internal players will determine how long an inning Imran Khan plays on this new pitch, if he is elected.

Read more: Husain Haqqani: 'Pakistani military fears ethno-linguistic identities'

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

Remnants of the Afghan war against Soviets

The Haqqani Network was formed by Jalaluddin Haqqani, who fought against Soviet forces in Afghanistan in the 1980s. In 1995, the Haqqani Network allied with the Taliban and the two groups captured the Afghan capital Kabul in 1996. In 2012, the US designated the group a terrorist organization. On September 4, 2018, the Taliban announced that Jalaluddin passed away after a long illness.

Madrassa Jamia (AP)

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

An Islamist ideologue

Jalaluddin Haqqani was born in 1939 in the Afghan province Paktia. He studied at Darul Uloom Haqqania, which was founded in 1947 by the father of one of Pakistan's most prominent religious leaders, Maulana Sami ul Haq. Darul Uloom Haqqania is known for its alleged ties with the Taliban and other extremist groups.

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

Jalaluddin Haqqani as Taliban minister

Jalaluddin was made minister for Afghan tribal affairs under the Taliban rule. He remained in the post until the US toppled the Taliban regime in 2001. After the Taliban leader Mullah Omar, Jalaluddin was considered the most influential militant figure in Afghanistan. Jalaluddin also had close links with the former al Qaeda leader, Osama bin Laden.

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

Where is the Haqqani Network based?

Security experts say the command center of the group is based in Miranshah city of Pakistan's North Waziristan region along the Afghan border. US and Afghan officials claim the Haqqani Network is backed by the Pakistani military, a charge denied by Pakistani authorities. Washington says the group's fighters launch attacks on foreign and local troops and civilians inside Afghanistan.

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

The Haqqani heir

It is believed that Jalaluddin Haqqani died in 2015, but his group denied those reports at the time. The network is now headed by Sirajuddin Haqqani, Jalaluddin's son. Sirajuddin is also the deputy chief of the Taliban.

Superteaser NO FLASH Pakistan Terror Jalaluddin Hakkani (picture-alliance/dpa)

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

Who is Sirajuddin Haqqani?

Although there isn't much credible information available about Sirajuddin Haqqani, security experts say he spent his childhood in the Pakistani city of Miranshah. He studied at Darul Uloom Haqqania, situated in Peshawar's suburbs. Sirajuddin is believed to be an expert on military affairs. Some analysts say Sirajuddin's views are more hard line than his father's.

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

Anas Haqqani's death sentence

One of Jalaluddin's sons is Anas Haqqani, whose mother hailed from the United Arab Emirates. He is currently in the custody of the Afghan government and is facing the death penalty. The Haqqani Network has warned Kabul of dire consequences if Afghan authorities hang Anas Haqqani.

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

How big is the Haqqani Network?

Research institutes and Afghan affairs experts say the group has between three and ten thousand fighters. The network allegedly receives most of its funding from the Gulf countries. The Haqqani Network is also involved in kidnappings and extortion through which it funds its operations.

Militant Haqqani Network - a brief history

Ties with other militant groups

The Haqqanis have close relations with other regional and international terrorist organizations such as al Qaeda, the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Lashkar-e-Taiba and Central Asian Islamist groups. Jalauddin Haqqani was not only close to bin Laden, but also had ties with al Qaeda's current chief Ayman al-Zawahiri.